FIGAROVOX / TRIBUNE – The journalist, author of A History of the Arabs in France, traces the highly changing attitude of successive French governments towards the Muslim Brotherhood movement.
Antoine Menuzet is a journalist. I posted The Hated Book: A History of the Arabs in France (Der, 2019).
In 1999, when Hassan Ekoyusen saw his application for naturalization rejected, he was named Interior Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenment and the left was in power in a coexistence government. General Intelligence has a “file” on the imam. The minister’s office opposed his request. A few years before that, Hasan Ekweusen, born in 1964 in Dinene, in the North Province, had tried unsuccessfully to regain his French citizenship, which he had obtained under the law of the land but had renounced when he reached the age of majority, somewhat restricted. by his father who wanted to keep his son’s Moroccan and Islamic identity intact. After his first request with a right-wing government failed, he probably thought it would be easier with a left-wing government.
In the same year, 1999, the Place Beauvau was also pressed – where Jean-Pierre Chevenment shocked the left by calling delinquent youths in the suburbs “savages”, a term that foreshadowed a stronger and less fun one, “scum” – Tariq Ramadan, who He wanted to become the government’s Islamist interlocutor on Islam – a role that Al-Jenifan would occupy after seven years with British Prime Minister, working Tony Blair. But in France, at that time, Qutb banned “Islam” in the Ministry of the Interior, Ramadan. So Genevan’s attempt failed, as it will be rejected many years later, in 2016, when Manuel Valls was prime minister, he applied for French citizenship – the citizenship of his wife.
Subsequently, Tariq Ramadan became involved in alternative globalization, and he had support from the left: the Education League and the Human Rights League, the same today that advocates for Hassan Ekwesen.
At the turn of the 2000s, the brothers Hani and Tariq Ramadan, after having faced difficulties when Charles Pasquah was Minister of the Interior (1993-1995), increased their interventions in France from the “Nofal” in Geneva. Strength is their influence and powerful aura on the second generation of vulnerable North African migration, tormented by the colonized complex and exhausted by identity dilemmas. Descendants of al-Masry Hassan al-Banna, founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in 1928, defend the ideology with which they are attached just as much as their “brother” Hassan Ekwesen, with whom they have been close since the 1980s. On the one hand, the Islam of citizens’ participation coupled with the vision of the Third World is in competition with the “imperialist West”, for which Israel will be a settlement outpost in the Middle East. On the other hand, conservative Islam is supposed to abandon as little as possible the “Muslim way of life”.
This is the time when they, together with Ikoyusen, assured their audience that hijab is obligatory since adolescence and that it is necessary to avoid swimming with boys in public swimming pools – was that the talk? For a generation he had to do it. Life in France?
For public authorities, resisting Tariq Ramadan’s insistence was not so easy in France at the turn of the 2000s. And in 2003, Nicolas Sarkozy, then Minister of the Interior, made him the unofficial spokesperson for France’s young Muslim generation. Agreeing to debate with him on the “100 Minutes to Persuasion” program on France 2 [les deux hommes s’opposèrent fortement au cours de ce débat, NDLR].
Subsequently, Tariq Ramadan became involved in alternative globalization, and he had support from the left: the Education League and the League for Human Rights, the same who today defend Hasan Ikuyusen in his legal battle against Gerald Darmanin. And then, at the same time, like a newspaper the scientistentrenched in the center-left, for whom the conservative message of Islam seemed secondary to him, saw in these young preachers and other activists of suburban society born in France or elsewhere in the West a legitimate force who would finally be able to assimilate into France a second generation of Muslims feel that they are left behind.
In the early 2000s, a proponent of Islamic agitation underpinned by a dominant rhetoric, articulated by young Muslim leaders, sought to impose a fraternal Salafist agenda in a landscape supposedly dominated by “plidar” Islam, considered too weak.
Also, for these preachers, assimilation into the republic was already inevitable, but passed through the sieve of Islam, which would become this resource both doctrinal and emotional, bound, like compromise, between the generation of parents. He threw history and their descendants promised a French fate. A challenge, because Islam cannot be this organizing principle of social life in French society by its definition resisting any religious authority.
The expulsion procedure initiated against Hassan Ekwesen indicates the failure of the strategy of strong transition from political Islam to secular culture, the definition of which is not limited to the separation of church and state. The jihadist attacks from 2015 resulted in no Muslim claim being heard outside of worship in the narrow sense.
Today, we are very far from the beginning of the first decade of the twenty-first century. At that time, the state made the Union of Islamic Organizations in France, UOIF, the inspiration of the Brotherhood, seen as an expression of “true Islam”, which in 2017 became Muslims of France , a partner he thought could be dealt with – which would happen during the 2005 suburban riots, the International Federation of Francophonie issued a fatwa in an effort to restore calm.
For its part, inflammatory Islamic propaganda supported by a dominant discourse, orchestrated by Little leaders Muslims then sought to impose the Brotherhood’s Salafist agenda in a landscape supposedly dominated by “corrupt” Islam, which is considered too weak. This young guard is in constant renewal, joined in 2010 by a disgusted merchant of the Chambers of Commerce, and born againMarouane Mohamed and the CCIF (Anti-Islamophobia Group in France, disbanded in 2020), will never stop wanting to break the 2004 and 2010 laws (banning religious symbols in schools and full veils in public space), labeled as “racists and scoundrels” .
Since the assassination of Samuel Baty in October 2020, the state, which quickly relied on the “law of separatism”, has dealt serious blows to this young guard, who was not so young at times, moreover, who claims to faithfully represent French sociology Islamic.
But in part because not everyone in France, especially the left, was cut off from the Islamic delusion, the government switched to sending “signals”, such as the expulsion signal, to the orator Hassan Echoessen.
see also – Who is Hasan Ikuyusen, the imam that Gerald Darmanin wants to expel?